Young People’s Sense of Belonging Online

Research Brief: Young People and Sense of Belonging

The Importance of Belonging: Developmental Context of Adolescence

Identity formation is a crucial part of development during the period of adolescence (Erikson, 1968). It is during this period from late childhood into the teen years that children begin spending increasing amounts of time outside of the family sphere with friends and other peers (Lam et al., 2014).The desire to mirror the behavior of popular or high-status peers in order to fit in can be a strong influence, and research has explored how these influences can result in both prosocial (e.g. volunteering) and maladaptive (e.g. bullying, dieting) behaviors (Brechwald & Prinstein, 2011; Choukas-Bradley et al., 2015). Despite much focus within both culture and literature on maladaptive behaviors, prosocial behaviors can help create a sense of belonging and make adolescents feel more fulfilled and happy (Telzer et al., 2022). It is critical during adolescence for young people to find spaces where they feel they belong, as this can decrease both externalizing and internalizing behavior issues, including depressive symptoms (Newman et al., 2007; Ueno, 2005). 

In the past two decades, researchers have begun examining how adolescents and young adults feel that they belong, or don’t belong, online. While online networks can promote self-disclosure, identity formation, and a sense of belonging, these same spaces can make some adolescents feel socially isolated (e.g. Best et al, 2014; Charmaraman & Delcourt, 2021; Davis, 2012). A recent review of social media use and connectedness described these online tools as creating a “paradox for social connectedness” where both harm and community building can occur more easily (Allen et al., 2020). This research brief will explore these nuances with examples of online community spaces on social media and gaming platforms, describing how online connections can both increase belongingness and create opportunities for that sense of community to be weaponized.

Online Communities

Online spaces have become modern social hubs for children and adolescents: in the early 2000s and 2010s, social games like Webkinz and Club Penguin were exceedingly popular among young people, and today, online games like Roblox and social media platforms are frequently used by adolescents to communicate with in-person friends as well as new online connections.

Social Media and Online Communities

Introduction to Online Social Spaces

Social media is an integral part of many adolescents’ lives, with over half of teens reporting using platforms like TikTok and Instagram, and over 90% using YouTube (Anderson et al., 2023). While there has been increased scrutiny over young people’s use of social media, research shows that the use of social media can have both positive and negative effects on teens’ wellbeing (e.g. Beyens et al., 2020).  All adolescents can benefit from an increased sense of connectedness and peer support, and this can be particularly impactful for historically marginalized youth, such as those who identify as LGBTQ+, and youth who may not have a strong support system at home. (e.g. Fish et al., 2020; Hiebert & Kortes-Miller, 2021)

Although most social media platforms do not allow children under the age of 13 to create accounts, 38% of tweens (8-12) in the U.S. report that they have used social media (Rideout et al., 2022). Discussions with tweens and young adolescents have found that they frequently use social media platforms to share content with or show support (e.g. with likes and comments) to friends and family (Charmaraman & Delcourt, 2021). They may also meet people online who they don’t know in the physical world, which often arouses particular concerns of “stranger danger” and fear of exploitation among parents and policymakers. Young people themselves, however, are often more concerned about other risks and annoyances, like sibling rivalry or their friends sharing their information (Livingstone et al., 2007; Zhang-Kennedy et al., 2016). While there may be disagreement between young people and their caregivers about the risks and benefits of social media-enabled communities, parents should address all risks and benefits with their children so that they are familiar with the approaches needed to navigate online spaces in safe and healthy ways, to support their ability to independently navigate online spaces as they grow (Meeus et al., 2019; Wisniewski et al., 2015). 

When used in safe and healthy ways, the wide range of social media features can allow older adolescents to interact with others who share similar interests or experiences, which may certainly have benefits including an enhanced sense of belonging. While sites like MySpace no longer exist, boyd’s research on the platform suggests that social media sites can function as spaces where adolescents explore identity and status and navigate public life and culture (2008). More recent research, however, has acknowledged that social media can create a paradox of belonging, where youth can form and create groups and communities but may also deepen rifts between friends or cause ostracization (Allen et al., 2020; West et al., 2021). This may be due at least in part to the asynchronous nature of social media interactions: this feature of online communication can allow for groups to form across geographic boundaries but can also diminish social cues, which may result in misinterpretation of messages’ tone. (e.g. West et al., 2021). 

Online Fan Spaces 

For adolescents who do not feel that there are many others in their social circle who share their interests, online spaces can be where they connect with other fans to share their love of icons, films, or other media forms. Some of these communities have been called “affinity spaces,” where individual differences like age or gender are less important than community members’ shared interests (Black, 2008; Gee, 2005). 

For some youth, the opportunity to remain anonymous within online fan spaces can feel protective. For example, anonymity is common within the fanfiction writing community, where newer writers can experiment to discover their style and build confidence, receiving feedback and mentorship without sharing their real identity (Black, 2008; Campbell et al., 2016; Lammers, 2013). Fan communities may provide teens with a place to seek out information and community support, including questions about identity development. One young research participant described this type of community as “…a place where anyone can go and learn and at the same time interact with people…It is a place where anyone can be themselves and being a nerd isn’t a bad thing” (Waugh, 2019, p. 17-18). 

Online shared interest spaces, including fan forums, can provide a place where adolescents can form connections with peers who share similar identities, interests, or life experiences. While gender, age, or race may not play a large role in the creation of these spaces, once connected, adolescents may form close bonds with members of their online communities and connect around identity markers not overtly indicated in the community description. In a survey of users of a popular fanfiction website in 2023, 83.5% reported that they did not identify as heterosexual (Rouse & Stanfill, 2023). LGBTQ+ and gender-diverse youth may even credit online fan communities for helping them explore and understand their own sexuality in environments where many sexual and gender identities feel more normalized or visible than in their offline lives (Duggan, 2021; McInroy & Craig, 2018, 2020).

Future research should strive to more explicitly explore the perspectives and experiences of BIPOC (Black, Indigenous, People of Color) youth in fandom studies. While there is evidence that BIPOC users often face discrimination in fan spaces (e.g. Fazekas, 2014; Thomas, 2019), little is known about the specific experiences of BIPOC youth fans in affinity spaces. Existing research often focuses on the experiences of adult fans or individual fandoms (e.g. Betz, 2021; Guarriello, 2019), or evaluation of fan spaces as environments where political movements form (for more information on this topic see: Activism and Advocacy Online Research Brief).

#BookTok

Another example of finding community online is within the online reading community, popularized by creators using hashtags like #BookTok (TikTok) and BookTube (YouTube). While mostly appealing to youth who would already consider themselves avid readers (Dera et al., 2023), adolescents and young adults often describe a strong sense of community within these platforms, even if they do not personally know the content creators they follow. BookTok has many features of a community of practice, where readers use the platform to make connections, engage in conversations about books, and strengthen their own self image as a reader (Asplund et al., 2024; Jerasa & Boffone, 2021). Research has suggested that BookTok participation can transfer to offline communities as well, where friends will talk about what books they have seen on BookTok and encourage others to read it with them — resulting in shared experiences between friends with similar interests both on- and offline (Asplund et al., 2024). 

These shared connections and book recommendations may feel particularly salient for teens in communities where books featuring characters with whom they identify are being challenged. While books featuring queer and BIPOC characters are facing enormous levels of challenge to being shelved in schools and other libraries, books featuring characters from all identities and backgrounds are frequently highlighted and recommended on BookTok (Jerasa & Boffone, 2021). This creates spaces where queer and BIPOC teens can find media they relate to and engage in a digital community which welcomes and celebrates their experiences and stories (Boffone & Jerasa, 2021).

Social Gaming

While not traditionally considered social media, online gaming communities have become critical modes of connection for young people. In the early 2000s, virtual worlds and online multiplayer games were hugely popular among young gamers. An analysis of virtual worlds for children in 2008 found that 22 separate such worlds existed at the time, each of which allowed multiple users to exist within a persistent virtual space where each player was visually represented through avatars that could be seen by other players (Grimes, 2018). These spaces were used to interact with both offline and online friends, engage in identity play with avatar customization, and even engage in online flirtations (e.g. Giang et al., 2012). 

While many of these platforms are now defunct and adolescent participation in internet-based virtual worlds has lessened, the affordances of mobile and console games has led to increased opportunities for online social interaction while gaming. Social communication features, common in both virtual worlds of the early 2000s and current platforms such as Roblox, are seen as important for many young players’ enjoyment of a game (Du et al., 2021; Livingstone & Pothong, 2021). These social spaces have become places where friends can congregate and play together, especially during COVID-19 lockdowns, shifting “third spaces” from backyards and playgrounds to Minecraft or Fortnite servers (Cowan et al., 2021; Navarro, 2021). 

The current landscape of social gaming reflects this decades-long shift to a deeply connected gaming environment. A recent report exploring teens’ gaming experiences found that 72% of those who had played video games in the past month regularly engaged in multiplayer play, mostly with friends they met both offline and online (Yue et al., 2024). Gaming can provide more than just a fun space to play or briefly chat with others, and may cultivate a true sense of community, friendship, and belonging that supports social and psychological needs (Goncalves et al., 2023). For some, this may be within servers that connect those with shared lived experiences, such as Minecraft servers for autistic children and their families. Children on the server Autcraft reported that they can express themselves in ways that feel comfortable for them, creating a sense of community and breaking down barriers to social interaction they may otherwise encounter offline (e.g. Ringland et al., 2016a, 2016b). For other young people, video gaming can help them cultivate friendships both offline and online, including through cross-platform game engagement with gaming-related content on platforms like YouTube and Twitch (e.g. Carter et al., 2020; Kahila et al., 2021). 

Despite these positive experiences of connection, not all social interactions within gaming spaces may impart the same benefits. Research has explored where engagement in these communities may reflect problematic gaming, that is, when teens are engaging with others but not necessarily creating strong and positive relationships which foster a sense of belonging (e.g. Kim et al., 2022; Kowert et al., 2014). In particular, there is evidence that teens who do not have a strong social network offline may be using video games to compensate for that lack of social connection, leading to potentially unhealthy patterns of gaming (Kowert et al., 2014; Lemmens et al., 2011; Valkenburg & Peter, 2007). Future research should continue to explore the nuance of this relationship between social connectedness and gaming, ensuring that the developmental context of adolescence and individual differences are considered when determining the strengths and limitations of social gaming (Maheux et al., 2024). 

When Online Communities Become Dangerous

While many online affinity groups can be places of affirmation and support, specific kinds of communities may carry more inherent risk than others, such as pro-ED (eating disorder) or extremist spaces. 

Extensive research has explored the phenomena of social media communities which promote disordered eating habits or encourage dietary choices which may be dangerous to one’s health. While some young people may find healthy fitness and nutrition-focused spaces online (see Rodgers et al., 2023), many popular creators on social media are young white women promoting a thin-ideal body and the glorification of weight loss (Minadeo & Pope, 2022). Many teen girls and young adult women who display symptoms of an eating disorder interact and follow accounts which post pro-ED content, and new teen accounts may be shown content related to eating disorders within eight minutes on TikTok (Center for Countering Digital Hate, 2022; Fitzsimmons-Craft et al., 2020). In these spaces, acceptance can actually result in communities downplaying the negative aspects of diseases like anorexia or encouraging others to continue disordered habits through trends like workout challenges or seeking motivational comments from peers on “body checking” images, which can result in dangerous levels of weight loss (e.g. Feldhege et al., 2021; Ging & Garvey, 2017; Lai et al., 2021).

Other online communities are intentionally isolated, resulting in insular online spaces where conspiracy, misinformation, and extremist attitudes may thrive. These communities appear to predominantly target boys and young men active in online gaming servers. In one evaluation of two young German gamers who verbalized far-right beliefs and threats of violence, they were introduced to extremist content through initial contact with another player on a popular game server, at which point communication continued on other social platforms through invitations to far-right discussion boards or servers (Koehler et al., 2023). There is a marked need for increased policy and moderation surrounding this kind of material dissemination — a recent report from NYU provides recommendations for these platforms including industry coalitions to target the issue, and integrating safety measures into the initial design and development of products and features (Rosenblat & Barrett, 2023).

It is clear that, while many online communities can provide positive support for their members or those who participate in the space, there is risk involved. For dangerous or unhealthy behaviors, finding a supportive community online may actually further isolate a person, insulating them from concerned friends and family offline. This may lead participants in these communities to feel that what they are doing is safe or acceptable when everyone around them espouses those same beliefs. Future research should seek to discover how belongingness and community can encourage negative beliefs or behaviors, and how to ensure that those feeling isolated or lonely do not fall prey to these spaces promising them support and understanding.

Conclusion

For adolescents, finding a sense of community and consistent social support is critical to healthy development. In today’s world, this can often be found online on social media platforms or while gaming. Despite fears of “stranger danger” over meeting people online, evidence suggests that when young people find and engage in supportive and healthy online communities, the benefits can be profound. Marginalized youth or those exploring their identity, especially, can find affirming spaces online to connect with others that share their identities, experiences, and interests. 

However, risks including extremism and the promotion of dangerous behaviors can result in harm. It is critical to ensure that adolescents have the critical thinking and media literacy skills to navigate these spaces and question dangerous or unhealthy advice. Ensuring all adolescents feel they can find and engage in supportive and welcoming spaces online will ultimately support, rather than hurt, their development. When adolescents feel they belong, both online and off, this can confer protection from negative social outcomes as they continue to grow.


This research brief was written by Kaitlin Tiches, MLIS, Medical Librarian and Knowledge Manager at the Digital Wellness Lab. For more information, please email us.


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